{"id":48188,"date":"2019-03-01T08:00:28","date_gmt":"2019-03-01T13:00:28","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.policechiefmagazine.org\/?p=48188"},"modified":"2024-10-25T09:30:24","modified_gmt":"2024-10-25T13:30:24","slug":"law-and-policy-considerations-hate-crimes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.policechiefmagazine.org\/law-and-policy-considerations-hate-crimes\/","title":{"rendered":"Law and Policy Considerations in Response to Hate Crimes"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\"><strong>The term \u201chate crime\u201d has become a familiar component of everyday discourse.<\/strong><\/span>\u00a0The public is routinely confronted with media coverage of incidents involving potential criminal actions that appear to have been motivated by hate or bias. But what is the legal definition of a hate crime? What are the challenges related to these offenses, and how do they differ from offenses where bias is not the perceived motivation? Finally, what are the issues facing the law enforcement officers tasked with identifying, investigating, and successfully prosecuting hate crimes?<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\">Hate Crimes and Bias Incidents<\/span><\/h2>\n<p>The FBI\u2019s Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program defines a \u201chate crime\u201d as a committed criminal offense that is \u201cmotivated, in whole or in part, by an offender\u2019s bias against a race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, ethnicity, gender, or gender identity.\u201d<sup>1<\/sup> The hate crime offense is still considered a crime of bias even if the offender was mistaken in his or her belief that the targeted person was a member of a specific group, as long as the offender was motivated by bias against the group. While statements by individuals or groups that espouse bias or appear to promote hate create public anger and turmoil, these actions alone are not crimes\u2013only where hate serves as the motivation for a criminal offense can the successful prosecution of a hate crime result.<\/p>\n<p>Not only do hate crimes and bias incidents have a significant impact on the victims and groups targeted, they also have a devastating effect on the larger community. The law enforcement response in the wake of these offenses can either quell fears and reassure a victimized community, or it can allow prejudice and anger to fuel further violence.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_48190\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-48190\" style=\"width: 641px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-48190 \" src=\"http:\/\/www.policechiefmagazine.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/Fig-1-2017-UCR-Trends-in-Hate-Crime-Reporting.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"641\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.policechiefmagazine.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/Fig-1-2017-UCR-Trends-in-Hate-Crime-Reporting.jpg 802w, https:\/\/www.policechiefmagazine.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/Fig-1-2017-UCR-Trends-in-Hate-Crime-Reporting-300x226.jpg 300w, https:\/\/www.policechiefmagazine.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/Fig-1-2017-UCR-Trends-in-Hate-Crime-Reporting-768x579.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 641px) 100vw, 641px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-48190\" class=\"wp-caption-text\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.adl.org\/resources\/press-release\/adl-deeply-alarmed-2020-fbi-hate-crimes-data-reiterates-calls-increased\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Information was reported by the Anti-Defamation League and extrapolated from the 2016\u20132017 FBI Hate Crimes Statistics\u00a0Act (HCSA) report<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>Several recent high-profile events have incited public outcry and focused attention on how bias crimes are investigated and prosecuted. On August 12, 2017, an incident in Charlottesville, Virginia, at a planned \u201cUnite the Right\u201d rally by white nationalists, drew national attention to hate crimes. A Dodge Challenger driven by James Alex Fields Jr. sped into a crowd of counter-protestors, killing Heather Heyer, a 32-year-old paralegal. Fields, a 21-year-old man known in high school for being fascinated with Nazism and idolizing Adolf Hitler, was recently convicted on all counts, including first-degree murder, for the death of Heyer. James Fields still faces federal hate crime charges.<sup>2<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>More recently, on October 27, 2018, a man armed with an AR-15-style rifle and at least three handguns stormed into the Tree of Life Congregation synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Shouting anti-Semitic slurs, the assailant shot indiscriminately into the crowd. He killed 11 congregants and wounded 6 others in a rampage described as among the deadliest against the Jewish community in the United States.<sup>3<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In the wake of these high-profile incidents, the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) has renewed its commitment to the enforcement and prosecution of federal hate crime statutes. The DOJ has also increased resources and training opportunities for federal, state, and local law enforcement officers to further facilitate the effective identification and prosecution of these offenses.<\/p>\n<p>In addition to federal hate crime legislation, a majority of U.S. states have also enacted statutes designed to enhance penalties for bias-related offenses. While the concept of a hate crime as a crime that targets a specific victim group is generally understood, there is little consensus among states on identifying victim groups. Thirty-two states include those with mental or physical disabilities in their list of victim groups. Thirty-one states include sexual orientation as a group identifier. Five states and the District of Columbia impose tougher penalties for crimes based on political affiliation. Four states (Georgia, Indiana, Utah, and Wyoming) have no state hate crime laws.<sup>4<\/sup><\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullout pullout--wide alignleft\"><strong>U.S. Hate Crime Statistics<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>While the FBI statistics on hate crime incidents in the United States continue to record an increase in reported offenses, law enforcement officials and many legal experts indicate the numbers of offenses might be significantly higher than reported. In its annual\u00a0<em>Hate Crime Statistics Act<\/em>\u00a0(HCSA) report, the FBI reported 7,175 hate crimes in 2017. This reflects a 17 percent increase from similar crimes reported in 2016. In turn, 2016 reflected a 5 percent increase over 2015 statistics. While statistics appear to indicate an increase in bias-related offenses, one challenge to identifying and addressing the issue of violence related to hate crimes is the historical lack of consistent reporting on a national, state, and local level. The Hate Crime Statistics Act of 1990, developed as a component to the FBI\u2019s Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program, was designed to fill this gap and collect data on \u201ccrimes that manifest evidence of prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity.\u201d The HCSA has since been expanded to include reporting on crimes based on disability, gender, and gender identity. Although passage of the HCSA has resulted in an increase in the reporting of these types of incidents, participation in this national reporting program is voluntary, making any analysis of the extent or increase in hate crime incidents challenging. Some states have responded to the need for better reporting, with 27 states and the District of Columbia enacting statutes mandating the collection of hate crime statistics. In 2017, FBI statistics under the HCSA were derived from 16,149 law enforcement agencies, the highest level of participation since the enactment of the HCSA in 1990. This also reflects a 6 percent\u00a0increase in the number of agencies reporting compared to 2016. However, at least 91 cities with populations exceeding 100,000 people either failed to report any data to the FBI or reported zero hate crimes during the recording period.<\/p>\n<p><\/aside>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\">Legal Foundation for Federal Hate Crime Legislation<\/span><\/h2>\n<p>In 1968, the U.S. Congress passed the first federal hate crime statute, and since that time, the DOJ has been tasked with enforcing federal hate crime laws. The 1968 statute made it a crime to use, or threaten to use, force to willfully interfere with any person because of race, color, religion, or national origin and because the person is participating in a federally protected activity, such as public education, employment, jury service, travel, or the enjoyment of public accommodations, or helping another person to do so. At that time, Congress also made it a crime to use, or threaten to use, force to interfere with housing rights because of the victim\u2019s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.<sup>5<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In 2009, Congress passed the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, expanding the federal definition of hate crimes.<sup>6<\/sup> This legislation was designed to provide prosecutors with an additional legal mechanism for charging perpetrators of crimes motivated by race, religion, gender, disability, gender identity, national origin, and sexual orientation. The Shepard-Byrd Act was the first statute allowing federal criminal prosecution of hate crimes motivated by the victim\u2019s actual or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity.<\/p>\n<p>While the Shepard-Byrd Act expanded the federal definition of hate crimes, states faced legal challenges based on free speech rights under their hate crime statutes, which were sometimes perceived to punish the defendant\u2019s biased thoughts. What constitutes a hate crime and dictates when a prosecution can successfully pursue this enhanced charge is controlled by the 1993 U.S. Supreme Court case of\u00a0Wisconsin v. Mitchell. In that case,<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 30px;\"><em>the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously found that penalty-enhancement hate crime statutes do not conflict with free speech rights because they do not punish an individual for exercising freedom of expression; rather, they allow courts to consider motive when sentencing a criminal for conduct which is not protected by the First Amendment.<\/em><sup>7<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>This decision marked the first time the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a bias crime statute and has permitted states to defend such statutes on the grounds that they are not an interference with the expression of prejudicial ideas, but instead a punishment of those views when coupled with criminal conduct.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\">The Arguments For and Against Hate Crime Statutes<\/span><\/h2>\n<p>The DOJ asserts \u201c[h]ate crimes have a devastating effect beyond the harm inflicted on any one victim.\u201d<sup>8<\/sup> Advocates of hate crime laws argue that hate crimes victimize entire communities and leave entire groups feeling fearful, vulnerable, and persecuted. Hate crime statutes seek to provide additional protections to groups that have historically been subjected to discriminatory and violent attacks. These laws also raise awareness and provide for the persistent prosecution of offenders. Bias-motivated offenses have the potential to spur public outcry, encourage reprisals, embolden additional attacks against the victim class, and create an environment ripe for escalating hostility and violence. Proponents of hate crime legislation maintain that hate crimes are insidious in their impact on communities as a whole and only through enhanced penalties can deterrence be achieved.<\/p>\n<p>Critics of hate crime laws argue that increased penalties for crimes against certain specific groups of individuals challenge the concept of equality before the law. Hate crime laws create a system that separates classes of victims and assigns penalties based on membership in the class. Consequently, critics argue, hate crime statutes elevate certain crime victims based on nothing more than race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, or another identifying characteristic, making some victims more important than others. Many critics contend that hate crime legislation enhances penalties with the goal of punishing people for their speech or beliefs. In the United States, speech, including hate speech, is constitutionally protected and should not be a mechanism for criminal prosecution. In view of these criticisms, it is worth noting that legally defensible hate crime statutes are crafted to punish only\u00a0criminal acts\u00a0that target victims because of their race, religion, or other protected characteristic; these statutes do not criminalize speech, including what might be considered hate speech.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\">The Challenge of Prosecuting Hate Crimes<\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Hate crime prosecutions face special challenges because of the high burden the prosecution bears in proving that the defendant\u2019s bias indeed motivated the crime. The prosecution is tasked with proving beyond a reasonable doubt not only that the defendant committed the underlying crime, but also that the crime was specifically motivated by bias. This requirement of proof of motive can discourage prosecutors from charging offenders under a hate crime statute.<\/p>\n<p>Understanding the distinction between motive and criminal intent is an important component in building a successful hate crime case. Intent is the desire <em>for<\/em> a particular consequence to result from an action. Motive, however, explains the perpetrator\u2019s desire <em>behind <\/em>the consequence. U.S. law generally imposes criminal liability on an individual\u2019s intent to commit a crime, but it makes no judgment about the motive behind that intent. Thus, hate crime statutes are unique in their requirement to prove what motivated the criminal actions of the defendant, and accused individuals seldom provide an explicit admission of their underlying motivations. Therefore, investigators and prosecutors must often rely on inferences drawn from circumstantial evidence to prove what existed only in the mind of the perpetrator at the time of the crime. Adding to this challenge, the Rules of Evidence generally limit a prosecutor from introducing evidence of prior biased conduct by the accused. The Federal Rules of Evidence, for example, allow character evidence related to motive only under narrow constraints, and courts are wary of admitting evidence that might be prejudicial to the jury.<sup>9<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>There is also a challenging contrast between the public perception of a hate crime and the legal definition, which requires proof of a biased motivation for successful prosecution. This rift in understanding can explain the public outcry for justice when law enforcement is initially hesitant to charge offenders under a hate crime statute. Law enforcement officials recognize the need for caution and extensive investigation in the wake of what initially appears to be a bias-related offense in view of the additional burdens placed on the prosecution. This response typically angers community members in the days following an apparent bias crime. The tragic deaths of three Muslim students in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, on February 10, 2015, is an example of a situation in which community pressure can burden local authorities to pursue hate crime offenses. In that case, a neighbor of the victims, Craig Hicks, was charged with first-degree murder following the incident. However, local authorities maintained the execution-style deaths were caused by a dispute over parking, rather than the victims\u2019 religion (and, thus, not a hate crime), and members of the community were outraged.<sup>10<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>It is possible for the U.S. federal government to bring criminal charges under the Shepard-Byrd Act in cases where local authorities decline to prosecute an offense as a hate crime. However, this merely changes the forum for the charge without alleviating the evidentiary burden. Cases at the federal level require the same proof of motivation; federal investigators will be searching for the same evidence of bias as their local counterparts.<\/p>\n<p>It is important to note that there are procedural gateways to a federal hate crime prosecution. Before the DOJ Civil Rights Division prosecutes a hate crime under the Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2009, the Office of the Attorney General must certify, that either (1)\u00a0the state does not have jurisdiction; (2)\u00a0the state has requested that the federal government assume jurisdiction; (3)\u00a0the verdict or sentence obtained pursuant to state charges did not demonstratively vindicate the federal interest in eradicating bias-motivated violence; or (4)\u00a0a prosecution by the United States is in the public interest and necessary to secure substantial justice. In the seven years since the passage of the Shepard-Byrd Act, the DOJ has charged 72 defendants and convicted 45 defendants under this statute. In total, as of July 15, 2016, the department has charged 258 defendants for hate crimes under multiple statutes over a period of seven years.<sup>11<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\">Law Enforcement Response to Hate Crime<\/span><\/h2>\n<p>Law enforcement agencies at all levels of government must be prepared to respond to any act of violence or intimidation motivated by hate or bias. Hate crime incidents have an impact not only on the victim, but also on all those who are members of the victim\u2019s class and on the community as a whole. Bias crimes can splinter a community and carry a high potential for an escalation of violence or reprisal. Each agency should develop policy guidelines for identifying, responding to, investigating, and reporting incidents of hate crimes. The DOJ provides resources and training opportunities for federal, state, and local law enforcement officers to provide U.S. law enforcement agencies with the necessary tools to respond to these offenses.<sup>12<\/sup>\u00a0The FBI also provides guidance for law enforcement agencies on recognizing the criteria for a hate crime, including identifying objective evidence concerning bias motivation.<sup>13<\/sup>\u00a0The IACP Law Enforcement Policy Center\u2019s Model Policy and Concepts and Issues Paper also provide a foundation for the development of agency-specific hate crime policies.<sup>14<\/sup><\/p>\n<table class=\"alignright\" style=\"width: 46%; border-collapse: collapse; background-color: #e4e9ed;\" border=\"1\" cellspacing=\"3\" cellpadding=\"5\">\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td style=\"width: 100%;\">\n<h4><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\"><strong>Additional <span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\">Resources<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/h4>\n<p style=\"margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.2in;\"><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\"><span style=\"font-family: Wingdings;\">n<\/span>\u00a0 \u201c<a style=\"color: #9a1b22;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.adl.org\/sites\/default\/files\/Hate-Crimes-Law.pdf#:~:text=The%20Anti-Defamation%20League%20model%20hate%20crimes%20legislation%20has,which%20can%20be%20invoked%20to%20redress%20bias-motivated%20crimes.2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">An Introduction to Hate Crime Laws<\/a>\u201d (Anti-Defamation League)<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.2in;\"><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\"><span style=\"font-family: Wingdings;\">n<\/span>\u00a0 \u201c<a style=\"color: #9a1b22;\" href=\"https:\/\/scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=6710&amp;context=jclc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Problem of Motive in Hate Crimes: The Argument Against Presumptions of Racial Motivation<\/a>\u201d by James Morsch (<em>Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology<\/em>\u00a082, no. 3, 1992)<\/span><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<p>The development of standard policy and protocols must be coupled with specific training for first responders and investigators that will support the successful prosecution of these offenses. Agencies should develop a mechanism to work with other local, state, and federal partners in efforts to gather intelligence and ensure personnel are familiar with organized hate groups and potential suspects in their areas. The immediate post-incident collection of evidence that supports a motivation of bias directly linked to the offense is critical to the successful prosecution of a hate crime offense.<\/p>\n<p>Although statements made by the defendant during the commission of the crime may be the strongest evidence of a biased motivation, evidence of bias can be supported by several other factors. A defendant\u2019s affiliation with a group that advocates hatred for certain groups, the possession of literature that promotes bias, the defendant\u2019s own writings, and evidence located at the site of the crime all contribute to the totality of evidence necessary for successful prosecution.<\/p>\n<p>As stated previously, hate crime incidents receive significant media coverage and create fear in both the targeted group and the larger community. Any response by law enforcement must include media engagement, victim assistance, and protection for those in the targeted group in the period following the incident. Agencies must take the initiative in communicating with the public to assuage fears and reduce the potential for additional violence. As such, an established partnership between law enforcement, advocacy groups, and community leaders provides a foundation for communication and is crucial for an effective response in the wake of a hate crime incident.<\/p>\n<aside class=\"pullout pullout--wide alignleft\"> <strong>Hate Crime Across Europe<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Hate crime is in no way a uniquely U.S. phenomenon. While hate crime legislation has not yet become the norm worldwide, many European countries recognize, report, and prosecute hate crimes as distinct from other criminal acts. Unfortunately, this crime appears to be on the rise in many regions of the world, including Europe.<\/p>\n<p>According to the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) report, 5,843 hate crime incidents were recorded by participating countries and civil societies in 2017.<\/p>\n<p>In the United Kingdom, law enforcement officers in England and Wales recorded a 40 percent rise in hate crimes based on religion (8,336 in 2017\u20132018, up from 5,949 reported in 2016\u20132017).<\/p>\n<p>Although France has reported a decline in hate crimes in general (330 fewer incidents in 2016 than in 2017), during 2017, almost 40 percent of racially or religion-biased violent crimes were committed against Jews (up from 20 percent in 2016). During this same time period, hate crimes against Muslims also increased, albeit slightly. In general in 2017, there were 882 incidents in France motivated by racism and xenophobia, followed by 623 incidents motivated by the perceived gender identities or sexual orientation of the victims, 311 anti-Semitic attacks, and 95 incidents reported against Muslims.<\/p>\n<p>In Germany, during 2017, hate crimes and hate speech incidents jumped to more than double the previous year\u2019s number, from 3,598 to 7,913. The highest increase occurred in incidents with a xenophobic bias, followed by anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim crimes and hate speeches.<\/p>\n<p>Norway reported an increase in hate crimes, as well: in 2016, there were 466; in 2017, there were 549 incidents. The majority of these hate crimes (373 incidents) were motivated by racism and xenophobia.<\/p>\n<p>Greece reported a significant increase from 40 hate crimes reported in 2016 to 128 in 2017 (more than thrice the prior year\u2019s number). Over half of those reported hate crimes were motivated by racism or xenophobia (72 incidents), followed by crimes motivated by the victims\u2019 perceived sexual orientation or gender identities (13 reported incidents).<\/p>\n<p>Italy reported 1,048 hate crimes in 2017; an increase over the reported 736 hate crimes in 2016. The overwhelming majority of the hate crimes reported by Italy in 2017 were motivated by racism or xenophobia (828), followed by hate crimes motivated by bias toward people with disabilities (157).<\/p>\n<p>To learn more about hate crimes reported across Europe, see <a href=\"http:\/\/hatecrime.osce.org\">http:\/\/hatecrime.osce.org<\/a>. <\/aside>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\">Conclusion<\/span><\/h2>\n<table class=\" alignright\" style=\"width: 42%; background-color: #e4e9ed;\" cellpadding=\"5\">\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td width=\"623\">\n<h3><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\"><strong>IACP Resources<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n<p style=\"margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.2in;\"><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\"><span style=\"font-family: Wingdings;\">n<\/span> <a style=\"color: #9a1b22;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theiacp.org\/resources\/responding-to-hate-crimes-a-police-officers-guide-to-investigation-and-prevention\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Responding to Hate Crimes: Police Officer\u2019s Guide to Investigation and Prevention<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.2in;\"><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\"><span style=\"font-family: Wingdings;\">n<\/span> <a style=\"color: #9a1b22;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theiacp.org\/resources\/hate-crime-in-america-policy-summit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Hate Crime in America Policy Summit<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"margin-left: .5in; text-indent: -.2in;\"><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\"><span style=\"font-family: Wingdings;\">n<\/span> <a style=\"color: #9a1b22;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.theiacp.org\/sites\/default\/files\/2018-08\/HateCrimesBinder2016v2.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Investigation of Hate Crimes: Concepts and Issues Paper<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"color: #9a1b22;\"><strong><a style=\"color: #9a1b22;\" href=\"http:\/\/theIACP.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">theIACP.org<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<p>When an individual commits a crime motivated by bias and intentionally targets another based on their membership in a specific class, a charge under a hate crime statute is appropriate. Hate crime incidents are acts of violence and intimidation and merit priority within the justice system. While this type of offense largely targets individuals, the consequences of these crimes ripple out far beyond that of the intended victims. While bias and intolerance cannot be criminalized, hate crime statutes are a critical mechanism for confronting criminal actions motivated by bigotry. Law enforcement agencies must be prepared to provide an immediate and coordinated response to effectively investigate these offenses, aid the victims, and restore order and calm to the whole community. Success is built on a foundation of effective planning, comprehensive personnel training, and good community relations. <span style=\"font-family: Webdings; color: #9a1b22;\">d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><strong>Notes:<\/strong><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>1<\/sup> FBI, \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.fbi.gov\/investigate\/civil-rights\/hate-crimes\">Hate Crimes<\/a>.\u201d<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>2<\/sup> Minyvonne Burke and Mariana Sotomayor, \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.nbcnews.com\/news\/crime-courts\/james-alex-fields-found-guilty-killing-heather-heyer-during-violent-n945186\">James Alex Fields Found Guilty of Killing Heather Heyer during Violent Charlottesville White Nationalist Rally<\/a>,\u201d NBC News, December 7, 2018.<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>3<\/sup> Dakin Andone et al., \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.cnn.com\/2018\/10\/27\/us\/pittsburgh-synagogue-active-shooter\/index.html\">Hate Crime Charges Filed in Pittsburgh Synagogue Shooting that Left 11 Dead<\/a>,\u201d CNN, October 29, 2018.\u00a0<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>4<\/sup> NAACP, Washington Bureau, \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/bjs.ojp.gov\/sites\/g\/files\/xyckuh236\/files\/media\/document\/naacp_hate_crime_laws_by_state.pdf\">State-by-State Hate Crime Laws<\/a>,\u201d September 2017.\u00a0<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>5<\/sup> Federally Protected Activities, 18 U.S.C. \u00a7 254; Criminal Interference with Right to Fair Housing, 42 U.S.C. \u00a7 3631.<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>6<\/sup> Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, 18 U.S.C. \u00a7 249.<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>7<\/sup> <em>Wisconsin v. Mitchell,<\/em> 508 U.S. 476 (1993); U.S. Legal, \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/hatecrimes.uslegal.com\/case-law\">Hate Crimes; Case Law<\/a>.\u201d\u00a0<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>8<\/sup> Department of Justice (DOJ), \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.justice.gov\/crt\/hate-crimes-prosecutions\">Hate Crimes Prosecutions<\/a>.\u201d\u00a0<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>9<\/sup> Federal Rules of Evidence, \u00a7404(b), \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.rulesofevidence.org\/article-iv\/rule-404\/\">Crimes, Wrongs, or Other Acts.<\/a>\u201d\u00a0<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>10<\/sup> Lisa Snedeker, \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.huffingtonpost.com\/kami-chavis-simmons\/why-are-hate-crimes-so-di_b_6681200.html\">Why Are Hate Crimes So Difficult to Prosecute?<\/a>\u201d <em>Huffington Post<\/em>, April 18, 2015.<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>11<\/sup> DOJ, \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.justice.gov\/crt\/hate-crime-laws\">Hate Crime Laws<\/a>,\u201d October 15, 2018.<\/p>\n<p><sup>12<\/sup> DOJ, \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.justice.gov\/crt\/hate-crimes-prosecutions\">Hate Crimes Prosecutions<\/a>.\u201d<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:150,&quot;335559739&quot;:150,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>13<\/sup> FBI Criminal Justice Services Division, Uniform Crime Reporting Program, <em>Hate Crime Data Collection Guidelines and Training Manual,<\/em> Version 2.0, 2015.<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559738&quot;:150,&quot;335559739&quot;:150,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><sup>14<\/sup> IACP Law Enforcement Policy Center, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theiacp.org\/sites\/default\/files\/2018-08\/HateCrimesPolicy2016.pdf\"><em>Investigations of Hate Crimes Model Policy<\/em><\/a> and <em>Investigations of Hate Crimes: Concepts and Issues Paper<\/em>, September 2016.<span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:480}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-ccp-props=\"{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:259}\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Please cite as<\/p>\n<p style=\"padding-left: 30px;\">Jennifer Knight, \u201cLaw and Policy\u00a0Considerations in Response to Hate Crimes,\u201d <em>Police Chief<\/em> 86, no. 3 (2019): 24\u201329.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The term \u201chate crime\u201d has become a familiar component of everyday discourse.\u00a0The public is routinely confronted with media coverage of incidents involving potential criminal actions that appear to have been motivated by hate or bias. But what is the legal definition of a hate crime? What are the challenges related to these offenses, and how do they differ from offenses where bias is not the perceived motivation? Finally, what are the issues facing the law enforcement officers tasked with identifying, investigating, and successfully prosecuting hate crimes?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":48197,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[128],"tags":[628],"class_list":["post-48188","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-crime-violence","tag-hate-crimes"],"acf":{"post_author":"Jennifer Knight, Commander, Columbus, Ohio, Division of Police","main_category":"Crime & Violence","legacy_article_id":"","legacy_issue_id":""},"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v24.4 (Yoast SEO v24.5) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Law and Policy Considerations in Response to Hate Crimes - Police Chief Magazine<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"While 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